+AMERICAN CHILD WELL-BEING: SOME ‘IN-HOUSE’ GAPS

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I included some information in my last post from the United Nation’s 2010 findings about the growing inequality record between the ‘have’ and the ‘have not’ children in the United States in comparisons of three measures of child well-being between the globe’s 24 richest nations.  According to the United Nations (in this report),

“Three dimensions of inequality are examined:  material well-being, education, and health. In each case and for each country, the question asked is ‘how far behind are children being allowed to fall?’
“The idea that inequality is justified as a reflection of differences in merit cannot reasonably be applied to children. Few would deny that children’s early circumstances are beyond their own control. Or that those early circumstances have a profound effect on their present lives and future prospects. Or that growing up in poverty incurs a substantially higher risk of lower standards of health, of reduced cognitive development, of underachievement at school, of lower skills and aspirations, and eventually of lower adult earnings, so helping to perpetuate disadvantage from one generation to the next.

“None of this is the fault of the child.

“Second, the question being asked here – ‘how far behind are children being allowed to fall?’ – requires a measure not of overall inequality but of inequality at the bottom end of the distribution. In other words, the metric used is not the distance between the top and the bottom but between the median and the bottom. The median level of child well-being – whether in material goods, educational outcomes, or level of health – represents what is considered normal in a given society and falling behind that median by more than a certain degree carries a risk of social exclusion.

“Today, ‘bottom-end inequality’ is no longer a concern only of the political left. In the United Kingdom, for example, a Conservative Prime Minister has argued that “We should focus on closing the gap between the bottom and the middle not because that is the easy thing to do, but because focusing on those who do not have the chance of a good life is the most important thing to do.

“That ‘gap between the bottom and the middle’ is the focus of Report Card 9.”

According to this U.N. report inequalities based on this “distance between the median and the bottom” on child well-being places America 23rd (followed only by Slovakia) on the ‘material’ measure of child well-being;  19th of 24 on the ‘education’ measure of child well-being; and 22nd (followed by Italy and Hungry) on the ‘health’ measure of child well-being.

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Today I wanted to spend some time looking at some of our national data that breaks some related information down ‘in house’ by each of our 50 states.

I want to highlight some of the most recent United States of America national statistics concerning the state of well-being and lack of well-being for America’s children as they are presented on the national KIDS COUNT data pages.  Yes, ‘the numbers’ might lie, but if they do the error is on the side of being too conservative because of non-reporting, under recognition, underreporting along with the possibility of lack of consistency in data collection between states.

In all cases the appearance of “S” means to me that the overall percentage of Children in Poverty by state and nationally is not accurate because these numbers are significantly missing.

As KIDS COUNT states about these findings:

Definitions: The share of children under age 18 who live in families with incomes below the federal poverty level, as defined by the U.S. Office of Management and Budget. The federal poverty definition consists of a series of thresholds based on family size and composition. In calendar year 2009, a family of two adults and two children fell in the “poverty” category if their annual income fell below $21,756….  The data are based on income received in the 12 months prior to the survey. More…

Data Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 Supplementary Survey, 2001 Supplementary Survey, 2002 through 2009 American Community Survey.  More…

Footnotes: Updated September 2010.
S – Estimates suppressed when the confidence interval around the percentage is greater than or equal to 10 percentage points. N.A. – Data not available. A 90 percent confidence interval for each estimate can be found at Children in poverty by race.  (Please also see beginning on  page 21 of the United Nations Report concerning ‘measures of poverty’.)

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Given that I would believe the following states DO in fact have a recognizable percentage of their state population within these ‘racial’ categories.  I would also have to seriously question the overall top states’ ranking in the nation on measures of child-well being based on the following:  

New Mexico is missing its report for Black or African American or Asian and Pacific Islander children in their population

New York, North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, Washington and Wisconsin are missing data for their American Indian children

Iowa has no data for American Indian or for Black or African American children

Oregon, Rhode Island, Utah (ranked 4th on overall child well-being in the nation?) and (appallingly!) District of Columbia all report no data on their Black or African American, American Indian and Asian and Pacific Islander children

Maine, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire (ranked 1st on overall child well-being in the nation?), North Dakota, Vermont (ranked 3rd on overall child well-being in the nation?), West Virginia and Wyoming only report here for the non-Hispanic White children!

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I am also including beside each state below information beside the name of each state where that state ranks from this page:   KIDS COUNT overall rank (Number) – 2010

Children in poverty by race (Percent) – 2009

The national whole

Non-Hispanic White 12%

Black or African American 36%

American Indian 35%

Asian and Pacific Islander 13%

Hispanic or Latino 31%                                   Total 20%

Children in poverty by race (Percent) – 2009 – by state — (totals below represent the approximate percentage of kids in poverty within each state):

Alabama (47th)

Non-Hispanic White 14%

Black or African American 42%

American Indian S Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino 44%                                  Total 25%

Alaska (38th)

Non-Hispanic White 9%

Black or African American S

American Indian 24%

Asian and Pacific Islander S Hispanic or Latino S         Total 13%

Arizona (39th)

Non-Hispanic White 11%

Black or African American 30%

American Indian 45%

Asian and Pacific Islander 11%

Hispanic or Latino 33%                                                     Total 23%

Arkansas (48th)

Non-Hispanic White 18%

Black or African American 49%

American Indian S Asian and Pacific Islander 9%

Hispanic or Latino 43%                                               Total 27%

California (19th)

Non-Hispanic White 9%

Black or African American 29%

American Indian 31%

Asian and Pacific Islander 12%

Hispanic or Latino 28%                                               Total 20%

Colorado (20th)

Non-Hispanic White 8%

Black or African American 36%

American Indian S Asian and Pacific Islander 7%

Hispanic or Latino 34%                                           Total 17%

Connecticut (8th)

Non-Hispanic White 5%

Black or African American 25%

American Indian S Asian and Pacific Islander 6%

Hispanic or Latino 31%                                    Total 12%

Delaware (27th)

Non-Hispanic White 11%

Black or African American S

American Indian S Asian and Pacific Islander 5%

Hispanic or Latino S                                    Total 16%

Florida (35th)

Non-Hispanic White 13%

Black or African American 38%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 12%

Hispanic or Latino 25%                               Total 21%

Georgia (42nd)

Non-Hispanic White 11%

Black or African American 33%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 14%

Hispanic or Latino 42%                                         Total 22%

Hawaii (22nd)

Non-Hispanic White 12%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 11%

Hispanic or Latino 19%                            Total 14%

Idaho (21st)

Non-Hispanic White 15%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino 35%                                Total 18%

Illinois (24th)

Non-Hispanic White 10%

Black or African American 40%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 11%

Hispanic or Latino 26%                           Total 19%

Indiana (33rd)

Non-Hispanic White 14%

Black or African American 45%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 15%

Hispanic or Latino 37%                           Total 20%

Iowa (6th)

Non-Hispanic White 13%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 5%

Hispanic or Latino 32%                         Total 16%

Kansas (13th)

Non-Hispanic White 12%

Black or African American 40%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 9%

Hispanic or Latino 32%                                    Total 18%

Kentucky (40th)

Non-Hispanic White 23%

Black or African American 44%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 7%

Hispanic or Latino 39%                                       Total 26%

Louisiana (49th)

Non-Hispanic White 12%

Black or African American 42%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 8%

Hispanic or Latino 21%                                     Total 24%

Maine (14th)

Non-Hispanic White 15%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino S                              Total 17%

Maryland (25th)

Non-Hispanic White 6%

Black or African American 19%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 7%

Hispanic or Latino 15%                        Total 12%

Massachusetts (5th)

Non-Hispanic White 7%

Black or African American 28%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 11%

Hispanic or Latino 38%                   Total 13%

Michigan (30th)

Non-Hispanic White 15%

Black or African American 47%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 20%

Hispanic or Latino 36%                          Total 23%

Minnesota (2nd)

Non-Hispanic White 8%

Black or African American 47%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 22%

Hispanic or Latino 32%                                Total 14%

Mississippi (50th)

Non-Hispanic White 16%

Black or African American 48%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino S                                               Total 31%

Missouri (31st)

Non-Hispanic White 16%

Black or African American 40%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 8%

Hispanic or Latino 34%                                  Total 21%

Montana (32nd)

Non-Hispanic White 16%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino S                                       Total 21%

Nebraska (9th)

Non-Hispanic White 9%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino 29%                            Total 15%

Nevada (36th)

Non-Hispanic White 10%

Black or African American 30%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 10%

Hispanic or Latino 25%                             Total 18%

New Hampshire (1st)

Non-Hispanic White 9%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino S                                   Total 11%

New Jersey (7th)

Non-Hispanic White 6%

Black or African American 26%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 8%

Hispanic or Latino 25%                                    Total 13%

New Mexico (46th)

Non-Hispanic White 12%

Black or African American S

American Indian 35%

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino 30%                                        Total 25%

New York (15th)

Non-Hispanic White 11%

Black or African American 31%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 19%

Hispanic or Latino 33%                                    Total 20%

North Carolina (37th)

Non-Hispanic White 12%

Black or African American 37%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 13%

Hispanic or Latino 42%                                 Total 23%

North Dakota (12th)

Non-Hispanic White 9%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino S                         Total 13%

Ohio (29th)

Non-Hispanic White 16%

Black or African American 47%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 12%

Hispanic or Latino 38%                              Total 22%

Oklahoma (44th)

Non-Hispanic White 16%

Black or African American 40%

American Indian 28%

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino 35% Total 22%

Oregon (18th)

Non-Hispanic White 16%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino 29%                    Total 19%

Pennsylvania (23rd)

Non-Hispanic White 11%

Black or African American 37%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 15%

Hispanic or Latino 35%                                   Total 17%

Rhode Island (17th)

Non-Hispanic White 10%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino 35%                               Total 17%

South Carolina (45th)

Non-Hispanic White 13%

Black or African American 41%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 7%

Hispanic or Latino 41%                  Total 24%

South Dakota (26th)

Non-Hispanic White 11%

Black or African American S

American Indian 60%

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino S                              Total 19%

Tennessee (41st)

Non-Hispanic White 17%

Black or African American 42%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 9%

Hispanic or Latino 37%                                    Total 24%

Texas (34th)

Non-Hispanic White 10%

Black or African American 32%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 12%

Hispanic or Latino 35%                                   Total 24%

Utah (4th)

Non-Hispanic White 9%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino 23%                               Total 12%

Vermont (3rd)

Non-Hispanic White 12%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino S                                    Total 13%

Virginia (16th)

Non-Hispanic White 9%

Black or African American 28%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 7%

Hispanic or Latino 17%                             Total 14%

Washington (11th)

Non-Hispanic White 11%

Black or African American 34%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 13%

Hispanic or Latino 32%                           Total 16%

West Virginia (43rd)

Non-Hispanic White 23%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino S                                   Total 24%

Wisconsin (10th)

Non-Hispanic White 11%

Black or African American 48%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander 16%

Hispanic or Latino 32%                                      Total 17%

Wyoming (28th)

Non-Hispanic White 11%

Black or African American S

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino S                           Total 13%

District of Columbia

Non-Hispanic White 3%

Black or African American 43%

American Indian S

Asian and Pacific Islander S

Hispanic or Latino S                Total 29%

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Each of the main links on this KIDS COUNT page — Data Across Statesexpand so that you can identify individual categories in which detailed information is available.  You can also access Data By State

For example:

Children in low-income households where housing costs exceed 30 percent of income (Percent) – 2009

Scale: 46% – 82%

United States 67%
Alabama 58%
Alaska S
Arizona 67%
Arkansas 55%
California 76%
Colorado 69%
Connecticut 80%
Delaware 74%
Florida 76%
Georgia 67%
Hawaii 71%
Idaho 59%
Illinois 70%
Indiana 60%
Iowa 53%
Kansas 54%
Kentucky 55%
Louisiana 57%
Maine 66%
Maryland 77%
Massachusetts 73%
Michigan 69%
Minnesota 67%
Mississippi 56%
Missouri 59%
Montana 51%
Nebraska 52%
Nevada 76%
New Hampshire 77%
New Jersey 82%
New Mexico 51%
New York 74%
North Carolina 60%
North Dakota S
Ohio 64%
Oklahoma 50%
Oregon 68%
Pennsylvania 64%
Rhode Island 76%
South Carolina 58%
South Dakota 46%
Tennessee 59%
Texas 61%
Utah 65%
Vermont 67%
Virginia 68%
Washington 69%
West Virginia 47%
Wisconsin 67%
Wyoming S
Puerto Rico 36%
Virgin Islands N.A.

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KIDS COUNT overall rank (Number) – 2010 – by state at this link

(Most current data)  Children who have one or more emotional, behavioral, or developmental conditions (Percent) – 2007 – by state at this link and presented below:

United States 15%

Alabama 18%

Alaska 15%

Arizona 14%

Arkansas 19%

California 13%

Colorado 13%

Connecticut 16%

Delaware 19%

Florida 16%

Georgia 12%

Hawaii 13%

Idaho 14%

Illinois 13%

Indiana 18%

Iowa 17%

Kansas 16%

Kentucky 18%

Louisiana 19%

Maine 20%

Maryland 18%

Massachusetts 18%

Michigan 17%

Minnesota 14%

Mississippi 15%

Missouri 16%

Montana 17%

Nebraska 15%

Nevada 13%

New Hampshire 17%

New Jersey 14%

New Mexico 14%

New York 14%

North Carolina 20%

North Dakota 16%

Ohio 20%

Oklahoma 18%

Oregon 16%

Pennsylvania 17%

Rhode Island 19%

South Carolina 15%

South Dakota 13%

Tennessee 16%

Texas 12%

Utah 14%

Vermont 20%

Virginia 16%

Washington 17%

West Virginia 18%

Wisconsin 15%

Wyoming 17%

District of Columbia

15% Puerto Rico N.A.

Virgin Islands N.A.

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Teens ages 16 to 19 not in school and not high school graduates

2005 – 7% — 1,114,000

2009 – 6% — 1,053,000

Teens ages 16 to 19 not attending school and not working

2008 – 8% — 1,410,000

2009 – 9% — 1,559,000

Children living in families where no parent has full-time, year-round employment

2008 – 27% — 20,181,000

2009 – 31% — 23,062,000

Children in single-parent families

2005 – 32% — 21,682,000

2009 – 34% — 23,808,000

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Previous post:

+WE MAY SAY WE ARE A FAIR NATION – BUT LOTS OF KIDS WOULD SAY OTHERWISE

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+WE MAY SAY WE ARE A FAIR NATION – BUT LOTS OF KIDS WOULD SAY OTHERWISE

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From the United Nations

UNICEF  Innocenti Research Centre Report Card 9

The Children Left Behind:  A league table of inequality in child well-being in the world’s [24] rich countries

Written by Peter Adamson – 2010

The Just Society:  A Measure

The statistics presented in the Report Card can also be read as a first attempt to measure nations by the standards of a ‘just society’ as defined by the American political philosopher John Rawls (1921-2002).

Rawls proposed that the just society would be one in which the rules were drawn up for the benefit of society as a whole.  To achieve this, he argued, the starting point should be ‘the original position’.  By this he meant a kind of celestial ante-room in which all those waiting to be born would draw up the rules without knowing what position in society they themselves would occupy.  From behind this ‘veil of ignorance’, the rule-makers would not know whether they would be born rich or poor, male or female, with above or below average talents, fit or disabled, part of an ethnic minority or part of a privileged elite.

Because we would not know about our own status, he argued, we would not be able to press for rules that would benefit only ourselves.  Rules drawn up on this basis, therefore, would reflect an equal concern for all classes and groups.

The ‘veil of ignorance’ is therefore designed to tame the power of vested interests.  And ‘the original position’ is the exact opposite of the interest group model that is so influential in today’s politics.  In essence, it is similar to the method of sharing a cake fairly between two people by inviting one person to make the cut and the other to take first choice.

Rawls has his critics among the hundreds who have written books in response to his ideas.  Libertarians have objected that basic human rights such as property rights and the right to self-ownership leave no room for a Rawlsian concept of the ‘just society’.  Ronald Dworkin has argued that hypothetical agreements about rules drawn up from ‘the original position’ are not real agreements and therefore could not find the necessary acceptance and authority.  Amartya Sen finds the same weakness, adding that unanimity would be unlikely to be achieved even from ‘the original position’ and that lack of unanimity would bring the Rawlsian thesis crashing down.  Uniing some of these criticisms, Michael Sandel has objected that decisions about the rules governing communities that have their own traditions and histories cannot be made by reasoning from a rootless and historically abstract position.

But the idea that the rules of society should reflect the interests of all, and not just its dominant members, is widely accepted in theory, even if the methods by which it might be achieved remain controversial.

If we assume that the end, if not the means, commands a measure of agreement, then one way of measuring progress towards the aim of a just society would be to measure the degree of disadvantage suffered by its most disadvantaged members.  That is what this ‘Report Card´ attempts to do.

Clearly, more comprehensive data would be required to measure degrees of disadvantage ‘in the round’, especially if, as Martya Sen suggests, disadvantage should be defined as “those who are least able to realise their potential and develop and exercise their capabilities.”

Nonetheless, the data presented in these pages represent a contribution to that process.  In three different dimensions of well-being – they show how far behind the median level the least advantaged are being allowed to fall.  And the fact that different countries show very different patterns indicates that some countries are making more progress than others towards ‘the just society’.”  [page 26 of the report]

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Also stated in this report:

Reducing bottom-end inequality – to the extent that it involves reducing the steepness of the socioeconomic gradient in health, education and other dimensions of child well-being – will therefore require renewed government efforts to ‘row upstream’ in the years immediately ahead.

Stepping up efforts to protect those most at risk from falling behind is even more necessary at a time when governments are seeking to cut public expenditure….  But it is also more difficult.  And if efforts to prevent children from falling avoidably behind the norms of their societies are to be reinvigorated in changed economic times, then a strong case must be made.

Risks and consequences

That case is strong in principle.  For a child to suffer avoidable setbacks in the vital, vulnerable years of growth in body and brain is a breach of the most basic tenet of the Convention on the Rights of the Child – that every child has a right to develop to his or her full potential.  It is also a clear contradiction of the principle of equality of opportunity to which all OECD [Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development] countries aspire.

But the case is also strong in practice.  Allowing children to fall unnecessarily far behind brings in its wake a long list of practical costs and consequences.  Causality is always difficult to establish, but many hundreds of studies in many different OECD [ countries have shown what the costs of falling too far behind may be.  They include the greater likelihood of:

— low Birthweight

— parental stress and lack of parental time

— chronic stress for the child, possibly linked to long-term health problems and reduced memory capacity

— food insecurity and inadequate nutrition

— poorer health outcomes, including obesity, diabetes, chronic asthma, anaemia, and cardio-vascular disease

— more frequent visits to hospitals and emergency wards

— impaired cognitive development

— lower educational achievement

— lower rates of return on investments in education

— reduced linguistic ability

— lower productivity and adult earnings

— u7nemployment and welfare dependence

— behavioural difficulties

— involvement with the police and courts

— teenage pregnancy

— alcohol and drug dependence.

Many individual families – faced with disadvantages of income, education, health and housing – overcome the odds and bring up children who do not fall into any of the above categories.  But this cannot change the fact that children who fall behind early in their lives, or who spend a significant part of their early years in poverty, are likely to find themselves at a marked and measurable disadvantage.  It bears repeating that none of this is the fault of the child.  And a society that aspires to fairness cannot be unconcerned that accidents of birth should so heavily circumscribe the opportunities of life.

The costs

The practical case for a renewed effort to prevent children from unnecessarily falling behind is further strengthened by the economic penalties involved. The heaviest costs are paid by the individual child.  But the long list of problems cited above also translates into significant costs for a society as a whole.  Unnecessary bottom-end inequality prepares a bill which is quickly presented to taxpayers in the form of increased strain on health and hospital services, on remedial schooling, on welfare and social protection programmes, and on the police and the courts.  In addition, there is a significant cost to business and to economies as a whole in the lower skill levels and reduced productivity that are the inevitable result of a large number of children failing to develop to their potential.  Finally, there is a cost that must be paid by all in the threat that bottom-end inequality poses to social cohesion and the quality of life in advanced industrial economies.  “Wide inequality,” says the 2010 report of the United Kingdom’s National Equity Panel “is eroding the bonds of common citizenship and recognition of human dignity across economic divides.

The scale of such costs, though almost impossible to calculate, is clearly significant.  For the European Union as a whole, it has been estimated (2007) that health inequalities alone account for 14% of social security costs and 20% of health care costs….  In Canada, the overall cost of child poverty has been estimated (2008) at between $4.6 and $5.9 billion a year for the Province of Ontario alone….  In the United Kingdom, estimates by Donald Hirsch, in a report (2006) for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, put the direct costs of “services to remedy the consequences of childhood deprivation such as poor health, low educational attainment, crime and anti-social behavior” at approximately $18 billion a year.

In sum, the costs of allowing children to fall too far behind – costs to the principle of fairness and costs to social, civic and economic life – are enormous.  And it is against the full weight of these costs and consequences that the economic arguments for and against a renewed effort to protect those most at risk should be set.

Early intervention

Finally, if the effort to reduce bottom-end inequality in children’s well-being is to make further progress, then it is not just the level of government efforts that must be increased but their effectiveness.

Children who fall behind begin to do so in the very earliest stages of their lives.  And in that simple statement we come face to face with one of the most important and least-acted-on research findings of our times.

During pregnancy and the first few weeks and months of life, critical stages in the child’s mental and physical development follow each other in rapid succession.  Each stage serves as a foundation for the next.  Any faltering in early childhood therefore puts at risk subsequent stages of growth and development.  In other words, disadvantage in the early phases of life can begin to shape the neurobiology of the developing child and initiate a process that, once begun, has a tendency to become self-reinforcing.

In particular, it is in cognitive development that the disadvantaged child is likely to pay the heaviest price.  By the age of two, cognitive ‘falling behind’ can be measured.  By the age of four, much of the potential damage may have been done….

The central practical message for efforts to reduce bottom-end inequality in child well-being could therefore not be clearer:  the earlier the intervention, the greater the leverage.

Overall, the case both in principle and practice for intensifying the efforts to prevent children from falling behind – and for acting as early as possible in the child’s life – has been well summarized by the Nobel laureate and University of Chicago economist James Heckman:

“Investing in disadvantaged young children is a rare public policy initiative that promotes fairness and social justice and at the same time promotes productivity in the economy and in society at large.  Early interventions targeted toward disadvantaged children have much higher returns than later interventions such as reduced pupil-teacher rations, public job training, convict rehabilitation programs, tuition subsidies, or expenditure on police….

Child care

Within the developed world, trends in the way in which young children are being brought up may now offer a unique opportunity to put this message into practice.  Today’s generation of children is becoming the first in which a majority are spending a significant part of early childhood in some form of out-of-home care (subject of Report Card 8).  In theory, this offers a large scale opportunity to take early action against the different dimensions of disadvantage that threaten to become established in the lives of very young children.  Public demand for high-quality child care already exists, and OECD governments are already responding by investing in free or subsidized early childhood services on an increasing scale.

At the heart of this opportunity is the idea that high quality early childhood education and care can help to reduce bottom-end inequality because it is the disadvantaged child who stands to gain the most.  “Although early childhood education and care benefits all children,” concludes an OECD-wide child care review by Canadian researchers Cleveland and Krashinsky, “much of the evidence suggests that the largest benefits flow to children from the most disadvantaged families….

“In practice, there is a danger that the child care transition will contribute to a widening rather than a narrowing of bottom-end inequality.  It is more educated parents and higher-income homes that tend to be most aware of, and more capable of affording, child care of the right quality.  And it is the poorer and less educated homes where the pressures for the earliest possible return to work are felt most acutely and where resources for high quality child care are least likely to be available.  Without specific policies to address this issue – and to ensure the availability and affordability of high-quality early childhood services for all children – this opportunity will therefore be lost, ‘double disadvantage’ will become the norm, and the child care transition will likely become a new and powerful driver of still greater inequality in children’s well-being. [this important statement is on page 30 of the report]

The costs of taking advantage of this chance to reduce inequalities in children’s well-being on a significant scale are obviously substantial.  The costs of not taking the opportunity will undoubtedly be even higher.  No one who has worked with disadvantaged or at-risk children can be in any doubt that, as James Heckman and many others have argued, attempting to compensate for disadvantage after the event is more difficult, more costly, and less likely to be successful.  Children need to be supported and protected from avoidable ‘falling behind’ at all stages of their development, but the point of greatest leverage is the point at which the process begins.

Conclusion

This report began with the argument that children deserve the best possible start, that early experience can cast a long shadow, and that children are not to be held responsible for the circumstances into which they are born.  In this sense the metric used – the degree of bottom-end inequality in child well-being – is a measure of the progress being made towards a fairer society.

Bringing in data from the majority of OECD countries, the report has attempted to show which of them are allowing children to fall behind by more than is necessary in three dimensions of children’s well-being (using the best performing countries as a minimum standard for what can be achieved).  In drawing attention to the depth of disparities revealed, and in summarizing what is known about the consequences, it has argued that ‘falling behind’ is a critical issue not only for millions of individual children today but for the economic and social future of their nations tomorrow. [with America being very nearly at the bottom on all measures!]

In making this case, therefore, principle and practice argue as one.  For if the effort to prevent the unnecessary falling behind of children in different dimensions of their lives is not made, then a fundamental unfairness will continue to shame our pretensions to equality of opportunity – and our societies will continue to pay the price.

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A word about the statistical reality that forms the foundation of this report [see page 29]

Monitoring:  The Need to Know

The statistics presented in this report are not built on a comprehensive consideration of what constitutes child well-being but on the more mundane foundations of data availability.  In particular, an acknowledged weakness is that almost all of the available data concern older children and adolescents who are attending school; there is a glaring lack of comparable information on the critical years of early childhood.

Responding to this inadequacy of data may not seem to have much of a claim to priority in difficult economic circumstances.  But a renewed commitment to reducing bottom-end inequalities in child well-being nonetheless require a renewed commitment to selective monitoring.

If limited resources are to be used effectively, then governments need to know not only how many children are falling behind.  They need to know by how much, in what ways, and for what reasons.  They need to know who and where they are.  And they need to now how policy is affecting and interacting with wider trends in the social and economic life of the nation.

Finally, they need to have the relevant data at their disposal not once every five or ten years but on a timescale that permits timely response to protect those at risk.  Monitoring requires resources.  But it is the indispensable hand rail of cost-effective polity.

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See also (with America again being at the bottom):  UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre Report Card 7

Child poverty in perspective:  An overview of child well-being in rich countries – A comprehensive assessment of the lives and well-being of children and adolescents in the economically advanced nations (2007)

Next post:

+AMERICAN CHILD WELL-BEING: SOME ‘IN-HOUSE’ GAPS

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+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART FIVE): DISSOCIATION IS NOT FORGETTING

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Based upon my own experience as a severe infant abuse survivor (followed by an accumulated history of 18 years of child abuse) I will say that I do not believe that dissociation is the same thing as ‘forgetting’ such as the kind of forgetting that the research in my last post seems to suggest.  In fact, I believe dissociation accomplishes the exact opposite of forgetting.  Dissociation allows-forces us to retain the ability to remember trauma in a very unique way.  Under the ‘right’ circumstances I believe we survivors are able to remember everything about every trauma that happened to us in  our childhoods (if not also in much of our infancy).

If anyone should ever need a recount of a specific trauma told to them in order to help a similar trauma from never happening again to someone else, or if a recounting of such a trauma was needed to help a survivor of a similar experience reach some healing – dissociators are the people to ask.  I believe we are a treasure-trove of memory about trauma.  We do not forget.  We dissociate.

I will also say that saying that a trauma is/was ‘overwhelming’ is not the same thing as saying that a trauma is/was ‘unbearable’.  I make this distinction because while I had vast experience of suffering overwhelming brutal traumas over 18 years caused by my mother, I did not ‘turn out like her’.  Even though my traumas were probably MUCH more extensive and intolerable than were the ones my mother suffered when she was little, I was somehow able to BEAR my overwhelming traumas in ways that my mother evidently could not.

The fact that my mother was overwhelmed by traumas that were unbearable to her meant that her body-brain-mind changed in response in ways that mine did not.  I have do doubt that my mother continually dissociated, but my mother was ACTING OUT her traumas by projecting them outside of herself while I – most fortunately — do not.

When it comes to an early recognition of the completely-alone and suffering self, and when it comes to an early ability to attach ongoing experience in memory form to this self, and when the experiences the early self is enduring are brutally traumatic, dissociation is the only way out.  The memories of such a self are simply ‘put somewhere else’.  But they are NOT forgotten.

I don’t believe that dissociation works that way.  I suspect that for severe infant and child abuse survivors, dissociation actually works to preserve memory of overwhelming traumas rather than to evaporate it.  I personally make absolutely NO EFFORT to EVER recall any memory of my traumas.  On my own, I see no purpose to doing so.  If, however, I lived among a different culture that valued what trauma has to teach and knew how to ‘handle’ trauma wisely, I have no doubt that my own experience of being a survivor would be far different than it is – and would be better.

I leave my packed-to-the-rafter memory banks alone.  Often I can sense-feel trauma memories as if they are physically in another part of my house.  I make conscious effort to ignore even the fact that I know those memories exist and are a living part of me that COULD be remembered accurately if I wanted to or chose to.

Without having a clear and direct reason to allow any of my memories to appear – and that reason would ONLY be to assist someone else somehow through what a trauma memory might offer them – I will NEVER make any effort to associate myself with what the wisdom of my body-brain-mind-self has selected to dissociate myself from.

That of course means that I do not allow myself to THINK about most of the experiences of my infant-childhood.  What I DO know is enough for me to deal with.  In fact, I don’t want to say another single word about this topic.  Goodbye.

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+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART ONE): WHOSE PROBLEM IS IT?

+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART TWO): FIRST, SELF-RECOGNITION

+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART THREE): ‘GROUPTHINK’ and ‘GROUPFEEL’

+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART FOUR): SEVERE INFANT ABUSE SURVIVORS’ UNIQUE WORLDVIEW

These posts follow along my line of thinking presented in the posts at this link:

WE the U.S. and the WORLD

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+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART FOUR): SEVERE INFANT ABUSE SURVIVORS’ UNIQUE WORLDVIEW

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The title of this post alone is enough to let all of us know this post is about pain and sadness – along with all the accompanying ‘survival emotions’ that we most often think about as being the ‘negative ones’.  I want to counterbalance this reality with another one.  I suppose because I certainly AM a survivor of severe infant abuse (along with abuse for the rest of my 18 years of childhood) I KNOW something ELSE – and this something else is POSITIVE.

I, along with this body I live in, have had to travel a long road of suffering to get to this point today where I can examine my own reality and then come to this conclusion:  In my uniqueness lies my gift.  And in my uniqueness I am most fully connected with other people who are equally as unique as me.  Those other people belong with me in a different kind of a reality because we were forced, as severe infant abuse survivors, to endure our suffering in a world separate from other people around us.  We therefore now share a unique worldview within our own ‘culture’ and ‘society’ that is unlike any other on earth.

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At this point I will say that I do more at this moment than simply HOPE that I can do this post justice.  I PRAY that I can!  What needs to be said here is critically important – and perhaps this is MOST TRUE for those who do NOT share an infant abuse survivor’s universe and worldview that I am going to attempt to describe here.

Yesterday as I wrote part two (link below) to this series I encountered very accidentally a piece of research that in fact split the tree of my own personal knowledge in two as if it had been struck by a massive bolt of lightning.  What this means to me personally is that the ROOT of my tree of personal knowledge is completely intact, but the tree that will now grow again from that root is going to be somehow a completely different Tree of Knowledge.  How different is something I expect to uncover-discover in the writing of this post.

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An infant’s pathway of physiological development on all levels and in every way is directed by the nature and quality of the human caregiving environment (the attachment environment) that an infant is born into (and includes the prenatal environment, as well).

If an infant is born into an environment of severe attachment-related abuse, neglect, trauma and maltreatment its physiological development WILL CHANGE in response to the stress present in that environment.

My previous Tree of Personal Knowledge has included an understanding based on the newest neuroscientific and attachment-related scientific research for quite a long time.  But there was something entirely new and different about what I encountered yesterday as I wrote my post Part Two.

I presented research in that post that states AT THAT POINT IN TIME researchers did not believe that insecure attachment within an infant’s malevolent early caregiving environment had the power to change the TIMELINE of required physiological development that every infant needs to reach in order to recognize its SELF (you DO have to go back and read this post and watch the videos there to understand what I am going to say next:  +THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART TWO): FIRST, SELF-RECOGNITION).

HOWEVER, the next piece of research I encountered NEGATES that statement!  I am going to transcribe into this post what I found yesterday (see below), but before I do I am going to try to describe what happened inside of me when I read it.

Thinking about THINKING as it relates to each of us having a SELF as researchers describe in Part Two MEANS that this SELF is already operational by this stage.  Self-recognition is an identifiable developmental milestone that is reached somewhere between 15 months and 2 years of age.

ALL aspects of the development of this emerging SELF have already been directly and profoundly influenced by the nature and quality of the infant-caregiver attachment (safe and secure versus not safe and secure) that this developing little human being has experienced since it took its first breath (and before).

NOW – what we severe infant abuse survivors MOST share in common is that there was NO human being available to us that we could rely upon to protect us.  This protection INCLUDES the need not only for the physical needs of the body of the infant to be taken care of, but ALSO includes the necessary CARE of the individual SELF that resides in/with the body.

In essence – WE WERE ALL ALONE in an extremely dangerous, traumatic, chaotic, threatening universe WITHOUT ANYONE ELSE.

Human beings can describe and discuss all they want to the variety of worldviews (tied to societies and cultures).  But NONE of them describe one of these different worldviews:  The worldview of a human being who was born into a completely hostile world that they were left to endure in and survive ALONE with no human safe and secure attachment person available to them.

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The research I encountered yesterday (copied below) hit a ‘nerve’ in me so profoundly that, as I say, it shattered the Tree of My Personal Knowledge.  There is a TRUTH in the description of this piece of research that literally TOLD me how uniquely different my own (and other severe infant abuse survivors’) pathway of development actually was.  Our pathway, determined for us by both the horror we experienced AND our adaptive responses in our development that allowed us to survive these horrors, means to me that we were ALWAYS citizens of a different kind of world – and will be that different world’s citizens for the rest of our life – compete with our own distinct and unique corresponding worldview that is unlike any other on earth.  We simply share it with one another as survivors.

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OK.  Without taking the time and effort to ‘scientifically’ back up what I am going to say next (all this backup is already on this blog), I am going to say what I know.  WHAT I know, based on the background research I have already done, is that STRESS causes CHANGES in human development.  Research clearly shows that even babies born to mothers who were in their third trimester of pregnancy and near the epicenter of the 9/11 disaster transmitted their OWN stress response to their unborn child so that their baby was BORN with PTSD physiology.

A mother’s stress level affects the development of her unborn so that her infant’s own DNA machinery is already adapting in the womb to the stressful conditions of a world the baby’s body is preparing itself to be born into.  These changes alter important ‘temperament-personality’ parameters at the same time they change how the developing fetus will react to stress over the course of its lifetime.

Now, enter the baby into the world and these same processes continue to happen directly in response to the amount and kind of stress that exists in the baby’s universe – as communicated to it DIRECTLY by the quality and nature of the interactions it has with its earliest caregivers – ESPECIALLY and often PREDOMINANTLY with its mother.

So, when I read the research I copy here below I already knew the IMPLICATIONS of what these words were saying.  NOBODY can know what a human infant’s ‘innate-OWN’ temperament or anxiety-stress-response patterns were ever POTENTIALLY capable of being because the influences of the infant’s environment POWERFULLY change these factors at every single stage of the infant’s development –in womb and out of

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Before I continue I want to pause here and say, “I know this post will be a long one, but it has to be.  I cannot break apart into parts what I need to say here.”

I will also say a word about the supreme GIFT I think results from the patterns I present here for severe infant abuse survivors.  WE HAVE ALWAYS BEEN AND WILL ALWAYS BE – THE OUTSIDERS.  Because our earliest experiences happened to us in a malevolent environment that placed us completely (except for basic food, warmth and shelter such as we received to keep our body alive) we have ALWAYS BEEN ALONE.

This means to me that I possess as a direct consequence a UNIQUE GIFT OF FREEDOM unknown to all others except survivors of the kind of abuse I endured from birth.

While obviously our families DID exist embedded within a society that shared a mutual worldview, because our earliest body-brain formed while we were forced to be ALONE, WE WERE NOT INFLUENCED BY THAT OUTSIDE WORLDVIEW in the same way that non-severe infant abuse survivors were.

OUR universe was a malevolent trauma-filled world such as few others can begin to imagine.  While we were at our most vulnerable, helpless, dependent, precarious and VITALLY IMPORTANT stages of body-brain development our malevolent universe of trauma changed us!

That means to me that NOW, because I was formed ALONE in an extremely UNIQUE environment, I am free to basically do this:  I can stand alone within myself, turn around in a full circle and view every other social worldview objectively BECAUSE I AM A PART OF NONE OF THEM.  Not in my essence.  Not where it matters most.

This means to me that I — along with all other severe infant abuse survivors who did NOT do some version of what my own mother did in reaction to her earliest malevolent environment (form such an altered body-brain that her mind was locked into a destructive pattern that could NOT be changed) — can NOW experience a freedom in our thinking that allows us to contemplate both problems and their solutions without being burdened by or trapped in a constrictive worldview such as non-survivors are bound by.

Of course this means (as I so well and deeply know) that the price we pay for the benefit of our unique position of being outside of ALL social circles of worldview-thought is that we are deeply and painfully ALONE without the ability to form ‘normal’ human attachments because our body-brain formed in an environment that excluded the safe and secure attachment relationships that would have built our body-brain to INCLUDE them.

(This is not to say that there aren’t ways to begin to heal this fundamental (physiological) aloneness that build our body-brain.  It is possible in very special circumstances for healing to happen on these deepest levels – but in today’s world and in this culture those opportunities are so rare as to hardly exist at all.)

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Now, to say what next needs to be said as simply as possible:  Those infants who display heightened sensitivity (temperament) along with those infants who display heightened anxiety (stress response) are FAR MORE LIKELY TO REACH THE DEVELOPMENTAL MILESONE OF BEING ABLE TO SELF-RECOGNIZE AT AN EARLIER AGE THAN ‘NORMAL’.

IN ADDITION, THE INFANTS WHO DO REACH THIS STAGE OF DEVELOPMENT ‘AHEAD OF THE PACK’ EXPERIENCE AN ENTIRELY DIFFERENT EMOTIONAL REACTION TO THEIR SELF-RECOGNITION than their less-advanced peers do – A SAD ONE!

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Now the most fascinating point for me here is that I CANNOT THINK ABOUT  THIS SITUATION objectively!

THIS INFORMATION is INCLUDED in MY PERSONAL WORLDVIEW and is NOT OUTSIDE my own worldview.

In fact, it was at the instant I read this information that my Tree of Personal Knowledge was shattered because at the same time I read it, my body profoundly and deeply told me, “THIS IS YOUR REALITY!”  At that instant I recognized myself at the same time I recognized myself as being INSIDE this reality, not outside of it.  This reality IS IN ME.  It formed itself into me at the same time it influenced ALL of my physiological development – and did so VERY EARLY IN MY INFANT LIFE.

I am fascinated by the fact that it was in my investigation of the ‘stage of infant self-recognition’ that I so fundamentally FINALLY recognized my SELF!

I am going to use two very specific words here:  Trajectory and bifurcation point.

For nearly all infants except for those of us who were born into malevolent non-attachment environments that nearly defy description, the earliest developmental TRAJECTORY happens along ordinary human lines.  The infant is connected within a social environment of attachment (even when those attachments are not perfect) that DO NOT REQUIRE that the infant take that developmental quantum leap that happens when the infant is ready to identify ITS OWN SELF as being ‘separate from the social group’.

When these attached infants DO reach the milestone step of self-recognition, this step IS NOT A BIFURCATION point, but is rather an ongoing linked-together stage of development that happens WITHIN THE SOCIAL GROUP and in interaction with it.

From my outside point of view I would say it’s like this:  An attached infant is learning about itself in a ‘both/and’ reality.  There are BOTH other people AND (when the stage is reached) an individual self.

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Now, for myself (and for other severely abused infant abuse survivors who did not have any early attachments) we experience this entire process differently.

Bifurcation points are CHOICE POINTS.  A bifurcation happens at a BRANCHING point at which point, of all possible and available options (like in chaos theory) ONE particular branch is followed that means all other possible options cease to exist.

Those of us who were born into malevolent non-attachment environments of abuse reached a bifurcation point VERY EARLY in our development (I believe very closely to the time of our very birth) when our BODY (if not also our ‘soul’) knew we were in very, very, very BIG trouble!  We KNEW we were in danger, that our lives were at risk, AND THAT WE WERE ABSOLUTELY ALONE.

This knowledge, gained by us in a very real way from information our environment gave us, forced our body to take a different BRANCH in our development that forced us into an entirely different developmental TRAJECTORY.

All of this – the forced bifurcation away from ‘optimal normal development’ into a different trajectory of Trauma Altered Development – happened for us a LONG TIME BEFORE WE WERE SUPPOSED TO REACH THE DEVELOPMENTAL STATE OF SELF-RECOGNITION.

For us, there never was an option for the ‘both/and’ pathway of development.  There really was no ‘human other’ in our universe.  Those that were supposed to protect us, those to whom we were supposed to be connected to and able to form a safe and secure attachment with were absent and did not exist in our world.

We therefore existed as a SELF WAY BEFORE WE WERE SUPPOSED TO, at the same time we existed as a SELF ALONE in a dangerous and hostile universe without anyone else in it (‘anyone else’ being someone we could form a safe and secure attachment with).  These factors AUTOMATICALLY forced our physiological development to change its pathway in every possible way so that we could endure and survive.

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For all the ‘talk’ I have ever encountered about ‘recovery’ from child abuse, I have never seen a reference to how massive an effort this so-called ‘recovery’ has to be for those of us who were completely engaged in our very SELF survival from the time we were born.

I feel like a floodgate was opened inside of me yesterday as I naively traveled back in time to look at the stage called infant ‘self-recognition’.  I had no idea that my travels would take me back to such a profound level of FELT recognition of my own SELF as I recognized my SELF as being completely alone well before I was two years old.

That I recognize my SELF as being a ‘completely-alone-self’ within the physiology of my entire body to this day (I’m 59) is a staggering realization.  My THINKING has made a direct and powerful connection to my FEELING about my own reality that has always exited within a worldview that only other severe infant abuse survivors can understand.

I suspect that we recognize our SELF in a precocious way primarily because of our aloneness:  In the universe of our experience we were the ONLY ONE THERE.  In that world, Monster Abusers were NOT PEOPLE to us!

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There is a direct developmental connection between the onset of the stage of self-recognition in infancy-toddlerhood and the onset of the ability to form and access ‘autobiographical memory’.

THE RESEARCH

As presented in a section of Chapter 3, “Early Memory, Early Self, Emergence of Autobiographical Memory,” (pages 45-72) in the book  The Self and Memory (Studies in Self and Identity) by Denise R. Beike, James M. Lampinen, and Douglas A. Behrend (Aug 2, 2004)

INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES

“As already mentioned, when adults are asked to recall their earliest experiences there is considerable individual variability in the age from which they can date their first autobiographical memory (e.g. Eacott & Crawley, 1998; Usher & Neisser, 1993).  One reason for this may simply be that there are individual differences in forgetting rates.  A more attractive possibility from my perspective is that these differences are related to individual differences in the age of onset of the cognitive self or perhaps individual differences in the propensity to encode self-relevant features into memory traces for early events.  Although this second possibility has already been discussed [previously in the chapter] it is also important to note that there are substantial individual differences in the age of onset of mark-directed behaviors in the second year of life (Bertenthal & Fisher, 1978; Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, 1979; Lewis, Brooks-Gunn, & Jaskir, 1985; Schneider-Rosen & Cicchetti, 1984, 1991).  For example, research on mirror self-recognition has show that whereas about 25% of 15- to 18-month-old infants showed mark-directed behavior to the red spots [put] on their noses, others did not show self-recognition until the end of the second year, at which time about 75% showed mark-directed behavior.

These individual differences in the age of onset of visual self-recognition have not been fully explored, although the weight of the available evidence to date indicates that they may have their origins in maturational rather than social or experiential factors. {my note:  This is a perspective I view as ridiculous because EVERY experience an infant has within its social environment is affecting EVERY physiological developmental activity the infant’s body-brain is accomplishing every step of the way.] For example, Lewis and Brooks-Gunn (1979) reported that neither the child’s sex, maternal education, family socioeconomic status, birth order, or number of siblings were related to onset of self-recognition.  Likewise, Ciccetti and his colleagues (Ciccetti & Beeghly, 1987; Ciccetti & Carlson, 1989; Kaufman & Cicchetti, 1989; Schneider-Rosen & Ciccehetti, 1984, 1991) have found that maltreated infants whose abnormal caretaking environments are associated with delays or deviations in their emotional development as it relates to the self are also not delayed in the onset of visual self-recognition.  In contrast, infants who have delayed maturation (e.g., Down syndrome, familial mental retardation, autism) do show delays in visual self-recognition (Cicchetti, 1991; Hill & Tomllin, 1981; Loveland, 1987, 1993; Mans, Cicchetti, & Stroufe, 1978; Schneider-Rosen & Ciccetti, 1991; Spiker & Ricks, 1984), although they usually succeed at the self-recognition task if and when they reach a mental age comparable to that of nondelayed infants who succeed at the task.  Thus, the near universal appearance of visual self-recognition among infants who have attained the maturational prerequisites supports the hypothesis that its emergence is not influenced by variations in social or childcare experiences in any obvious way (but see Lewis, Brooks-Gunn, & Jaskir, 1985).  Consistent with Kagan’s (1981, 1994) work and the evidence just reviewed, more recent data demonstrate a link between the onset of the self and constitutional factors such as stress reactivity and temperament (DiBiase & Lewis, 1997; Lewis & Ramsay, 1997).  For example, DiBiase and Lewis (1997) found that differences in temperament were related to variation in the age at which self-recognition emerged and that these same differences were predictive of when self-conscious emotions such as embarrassment begin to be expressed (see also Lewis, Sullivan, Stanger, & Weiss, 1989).  Thus, infants with a difficult temperament at 5 months were more likely to show earlier self-recognition and embarrassment than were infants with an easy temperament.  Using a longitudinal design, Lewis and Ramsay (1997) found that children with higher stress reactivity (measured both in terms of cortisol levels and behavioral responses to inoculations at 2, 4, 6, and 18 months) also had an earlier age of onset of self-recognition.  Thus, self-recognition and self-conscious emotions such as embarrassment seem to be linked to a variety of constitutional factors, including temperament and stress reactivity. Specifically, a cognitive sense of self seems to emerge earlier for children who are classified as having a more difficult temperament or whose reactivity to stress is relatively high. [bold type is mine] Given this evidence, then, it is perhaps logical to assume that individual differences in the onset of early autobiographical memories are related to these maturational, not social or experiential, factors associated with the emergence of the cognitive self. [my note:  It is important to note that this writing does not take into account information gained through the newest developmental neuroscientific information.]

I have argued here that differences in the onset of autobiographical memory in atypical populations may well be directly related to delays in the establishment of the cognitive self rather than to the child’s chronological age.  Importantly however, there is evidence that the mirror behavior of children with atypical cognitive development or those with adverse social environments is different from that of normally developing children. For example, normally developing children as well as those with maturational delays are generally quite positive in their response to their self-images, even when a spot of rouge has been applied to their noses (Cicchetti, 1991; Lewis et al., 1989).  However, children who have been maltreated show more neutral and negative behavior in response to their mirror images (Cicchetti, Beeghly, Carlson, & Toth, 1990), which raises the intriguing possibility that although social and experiential factors may not determine the onset of early autobiographical memory, they may contribute to the contents of these early memories. [bold type is mine] (pages 58-60)

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WHEN SELF AND LANGUAGE MEET:  SUBSEQUENT DEVELOPMENT IN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL MEMORY

I believe that the research being described here has missed the fullest meaning of the variables being described.  Those of us who were severely maltreated infants would have fallen right through the cracks of this research.  That fact would NOT mean that we – and our condition – did not exist.  This chapter continues its discussion of onset of autobiographical memory abilities and includes the following:

Only recently has there been any empirical research that examined the role of the onset of the cognitive self and early language conjointly.  In the first such study, Harely and Reese (1999) examined 58 mother-child dyads first when children were 19 months old, then at 25 months old, and finally at 32 months of age.  Mother-child dyads were tested on a number of dimensions including language, self-recognition, deferred imitation, and memory conversation styles.  For this latter measure, children’s verbal memory and maternal reminiscing style (low or high elaboration [of details]) concerning real, one-time events in the past were evaluated at each interview.  In order to evalutate the roles of self-recognition and maternal reminiscing styles in the development of children’s talk about the past independent of children’s language and nonverbal memory abilities, analyses were conducted on data in which variability in the language measure and nonverbal memory (deferred imitation measure) were removed using an analysis of covariance.  The results showed that both self-recognition and maternal reminiscing style contributed independently to verbal memory with self-recognition emerging as a stronger predictor.  In fact, memory appeared to be developing faster in early than in late self-recognizers.  That is, self-recognition was a better predictor of later verbal memory especially for those children who were early self-recognizers.  The authors concluded that their data provide the first direct empirical support for the argument that it is the advent of self-recognition that spells the end of infantile amnesia. [bold type mine]

In an ongoing series of cross-sectional and longitudinal studies (see Howe et al., 2003), the conjoint development of the cognitive self, early memory, and early language are being examined in infants from 15 to 24 months of age.  Infants’ self-recognition, mirror knowledge, mirror experience, event memory, and language development were assessed with a series of standard tests and procedures.  Preliminary findings indicate that children’s memory performance on a toy-finding event when retention was tested at 3, 6, or 12 months after acquisitions was best predicted by their success on the mirror self-recognition task, with recognizers performing significantly better than the non-recognizers.  This work supports the view espoused here that self-recognition, not language, is critical to very early memory for events.  Consistent with this, preliminary findings from the longitudinal work indicates that all infants who achieved self-recognition were successful on the event memory task, independent of age.  Among nonrecognizers, none recalled the location of the toy or were using self-referent pronouns.  Clearly, there is a need for more research of this kind and there will be additional reports of data of this kind in the near future.”  (pages 62-63)

CONCLUSION

In summary, the data accumulated to date are consistent with the position that the emergence and subsequent development of autobiographical memory are governed by the discovery of the cognitive self and increases in the ability to maintain information in memory storage, respectively.  Consistent with the function and development of other knowledge structures in memory, once infants acquire a cognitive sense of self, they possess a new organizer around which event memories can be personalized and “preserved” as autobiographical.  Like other structures, categories, and concepts in memory, the cognitive sense of self first emerges and is represented and expressed nonverbally, only later to be articulated (but not determined), using language.  Subsequent achievements in language can serve to strengthen (or possibly distort) personal memories through mechanisms such as rehearsal, reinstatement, or interference that also affect memory more generally.  Verbally expressed memories related in conversation with others also serve a social function of creating a personal “life story” that defines for others who we are.  Thus, it is my contention that the offset of infantile amnesia and the onset of autobiographical memory does not require the appearance of a separate memory system per se nor must it await the developments in language, autonoetic awareness, or metacognition that occur late in the preschool years.  Rather, it is the natural consequence of young toddlers’ more general tendency to develop nonverbal representational structures that describe the world around them (e.g., Karmiloff-Smith, 1992; Mandler, 1992).

Because this cognitive sense of self does not emerge until around 24 months, it is unlikely that personalized memories for experiences would be available before  this age.  Although this sets the lower limit for the formation of autobiographical memories, it does not guarantee that such memories will be formed at that age.  Indeed, personalized memories may not be formed until sometime much later with the timing dependent on factors such as the number of features available for encoding and the distribution of sampling probabilities during encoding.  The subsequent ability to retain more autobiographical information with age in childhood develops largely as a natural consequence of global improvements in children’s general memory abilities, namely, the capacity to maintain information in storage over longer and longer intervals.  Although a number of skills may be involved in, or at least correlated with, this improvement, including developments in language, strategies, knowledge, and gist extraction, the one common denominator to changes in children’s retention over time is the basic ability of keeping information intact in storage.”  [bold type is mine]

– This point is, I believe, connected to where patterns of dissociation in maltreated infant-toddlers probably begins to come into play when we are overwhelmed with experience that we cannot POSSIBLY keep “intact in storage.”  Severely abuse infants and toddlers experience more intense overwhelming trauma in their first months of life than ordinary people could possibly experience in several lifetimes.

The impact and flood of their trauma experience, I believe, overwhelms all physiological possibilities of being able to retain an ongoing ‘coherent memory of life experience’ from the beginning of life.

The final paragraph of this chapter states:

So, what happens to event memories that are formed prior to the cognitive self?  Although a discussion of the role of consciousness in memory is beyond the scope of this chapter, given our current understanding and the data gathered to date, it seems unlikely that these very early memories persist for a lifetime. [my note:  They are, however, stored and kept in the body itself as implicit (never consciously recalled) memories.] One reason for this expectation is the fact that even under optimal conditions memories appear fragmentary and poorly organized when recalled. [bold type is mine]  Few, if any, of these early memories become verbalizable (e.g., see Bauer, Kroupina, Schwade, Dropik, & Wewerka, 1998), even when based on traumatic events at the time they were encoded (Howe et al., 1994).  Although the number of investigations is admittedly small and the evidence usually anecdotal, it is unlikely that without an organizer like the (cognitive) self, such events will persist unchanged in memory.  Indeed, unless they have been recoded and reorganized within the framework of the cognitive self, making them distinctive and meaningful against the background of our other memories, it seems unlikely that they will remain intact in storage or to affect us even at the behavioral level.  [my note:  Developmental neuroscientists now know that this statement is blatantly false.  ALL of our earliest experiences are remembered in our body as these experiences interact with our genetic material to form our developing body-brain from before we are born.] Just as our earlier concepts and categories become transformed and even supplanted by more mature forms of understanding, so too do our memories of early events.  Because storage is dynamic and malleable in response to new experiences, it is extremely unlikely that what we remember of very early events, especially those not encoded with respect to the self, remains unaltered by the cumulative experiences of a lifetime.”  (pages 63-64)

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It is my opinion that the perpetuation of the myth presented here that suggests that earliest experiences 0-3 don’t really matter because nobody remembers them anyway is the single most powerful deterrent to getting the public to comprehend the vital importance of improving 0-3 well-being in any way possible.  These earliest experiences are forming the body-brain that a person will live in and with for the rest of their life – and malevolent early interactions with the environment during these developmental stages ESPECIALLY contribute to lifelong problems of all kinds that could have been prevented.

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+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART ONE): WHOSE PROBLEM IS IT?

+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART TWO): FIRST, SELF-RECOGNITION

+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART THREE): ‘GROUPTHINK’ and ‘GROUPFEEL’

These posts follow along my line of thinking presented in the posts at this link:

WE the U.S. and the WORLD

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+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART THREE): ‘GROUPTHINK’ and ‘GROUPFEEL’

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Day two of the ‘frozen pipes’ saga.  As most readers know, I live in southeastern Arizona with the Mexican-American border wall (actually two fences here) in my back yard.  This is about as far south as I can go and still remain in the Western U.S.  Having been mostly raised on an Alaskan mountain homestead, and having spent much of my adult life around Fargo, North Dakota, I know ‘life in the north’.  But here?

As I mentioned, most of us in this rural area have no insulation in our houses and only the flimsiest of single-pane windows.  Last night our temperatures dropped to 5 degrees above with a windchill of minus 20.  Because of the lessons I thought I learned yesterday (as I mentioned in Part One) I was all geared up last night before I went to bed to do things RIGHT.

I thought about it and decided that rather than tax the hot water heater (and its corresponding gas bill) that it would probably be ‘good enough’ if I just left my cold water faucets running enough to keep them from freezing.  OK, but then comes the part I didn’t anticipate — along with some more DUMB LUCK.

My cold water was still running out of my faucets this morning — but!!!  I’m not sure how my luck allowed this to happen, but both of my sinks were filled within a quarter inch of their brim as the sewer lines appear to be frozen.

I did not anticipate THAT, and boy am I glad I didn’t wake up to completely flooded floors!

So, where is the problem?  In thinking about it, I really don’t know.  I don’t know if these frozen lines are ONLY MINE or if they are frozen just in this trailer court my house sits in the middle of or if they are frozen in this entire unincorporated little town of 700 people.  I COULD ask someone, but I am much more aligned personally with the ‘wait and see’ solution.

Meanwhile I notice the town itself is eerily quiet this morning.  Because over 98% of the town has connections in Mexico, I imagine that many families (if they are having problems in their homes similar to mine) simply packed up and headed south to their family there.

I know the poverty on THAT side of the border is far worse than it is on this side, but I also understand that even if all of the town’s water and sewer lines are frozen ‘down south’ that wouldn’t make a whole lot of difference to these people.  I have watched these families over the 11 years I have lived among them and know that BEING TOGETHER is their best solution to everything — good or bad.

And here I am, Ms. White Chick (not sure at 59 that I’m still a chick, but??) alone in my house wondering — thinking — about all of this.

Of course my children living in Fargo know cold (as I well remember it) far worse than ours here.  But they EXPECT the cold up there and are far better prepared in every way to cope with the problems it does and can create.  At this point in my life  ‘down south’ is where I choose to be — alone or not!

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This all has me thinking about how likely it seems to me that bonds that connect members of our social species evolved within environments where we directly and immediately NEEDED ONE ANOTHER.  Most importantly, WE KNEW THIS FACT!

In today’s very urban America it seems that perhaps many of us do not live lives where our need for one another IN THE BIG PICTURE remains on our mental ‘front burner’.  In thinking about the growing gaps in the world between those that HAVE more than they need materially in contrast to those that DO NOT HAVE enough of what they need, I also think (wonder about) the fact that what is true in the United States is equally true around the globe.

For the most part the wealth-gap planet wide exists between those in the NORTH versus those in the SOUTH.  This is demographically very true in the United States at the same time it is true around the globe with the economic well-being and lack of well-being split that exists between humans who live in the Northern hemisphere versus those that live in the Southern hemisphere.

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I am not a Scholar so I am not mentally prepared to contemplate the answers to the many questions I find myself asking about ‘life’ — particularly human life.  Due to the way my body-brain was changed in its physiological development due to severe, extreme, chronic terrible abuse and trauma from the time of my birth, I already DO KNOW that the way my OWN right and left brain hemispheres do not collect, process, store or contemplate any information in a ‘normal or ordinary’ way (like it is meant to and does with people who benefited from safe and secure attachment relationships in their earliest body-brain formative years).

I mention this because I can FEEL my own questioning in MY BODY.  My questioning exists probably primarily in my right brain hemisphere, fed by my feelings that my body feeds to my right brain — but my questions seem to lie mostly in some unseen vast deep ocean ‘over there’ where my rational, logical, linear, sequential, verbal language-based LEFT brain hemisphere can’t get to them!

Even this experience of WONDERING can be an extremely intense and difficult to regulate emotional state.  WONDERING — connected to HOPE on the one end and to FEAR and awareness of the unknown on the other.

I don’t expect that our species made huge progress toward survival by being stuck very often in the state of simply WONDERING.  WONDERING when the next big animal was going to pounce, or when the next rival tribe was going to appear for a competitive slaughter, or wondering where the herbs needed to heal MIGHT be — or wondering how to stay warm in the north, or wondering how to even care for a newborn — NOPE!  Minimal survival benefit to being stuck in the wondering stage UNLESS it can stimulate thinking toward a positive solution.

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BUT, for our species thinking ALONE probably had little to do with our mutual survival as a species unless the thoughts of the ONE were shared with the MANY.  I believe we are designed for this GROUPTHINK.  If I add here a fact that is primarily left out of the Western worldview way of thinking, and that is that FEELINGS are also a form of thinking without words, I would also say that GROUPFEEL is just as important as GROUPTHINK.  In fact, if feelings are left out of the equation for survival, we suffer from our own LEFT-RIGHT brain hemisphere split that in itself creates a form of poverty for humans individually and collectively.

When I feel-think this morning about the probable evacuation of many of my neighbors over the southern border as they seek to be among those closest to them right now in this rare cold spell and the problems it is causing, I am the one out-of-place in being alone.  As I think about the global economic North-South split I think about the cultural worldview differences that seem to mean that so many in the north are alienated from feeling-thinking unity in their own body as they are split off from feeling-thinking in GROUP.

That means to me that the true values that matter most are abundant within the economic poverty of the Southern arm of the human species, while these most important GROUPTHINK (groupfeel) connections are far more likely to be shattered into tiny fragments in the North.

If I think about HUMANS being HUMANS’ most important resource, it isn’t the isolated materialistic disconnected (even in one’s own body between feelings and ‘thoughts’ — body and mind) Northern (European-rooted-‘Western’-thinking) arm of our species that has kept this resource at the center of their lives, their value systems and their civilization.  If I connect my feeling thoughts with my word thoughts I know that being ‘a part’ (which is the foundational assumption in the mechanistic Western worldview) leaves us being apart from one another in profound ways that do not happen among members of our species who have NEVER truly adopted the Western worldview.

I can sit here alone, heating large pans of water to pour down my drain in hopes I can thaw frozen sewer lines IF they are frozen only at MY source, my house, all I want to.  At the same time my heart-of-hearts would much rather be ‘over the border’ in a different land so that I could be ‘a part’ of a much larger connected community.  I would rather be sitting in a tiny adobe house crammed with all ages of people from babies to old people joshing around in a sea of warmth, humor and community as we together pass time while a mutual solution is found to all problems one moment to the next using GROUPTHINK that INCLUDES GROUPFEEL

+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART ONE): WHOSE PROBLEM IS IT?

+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART TWO): FIRST, SELF-RECOGNITION

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+DISORGANIZED-DISORIENTED INSECURE ATTACHMENT – 2 ARTICLE LINKS

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This article provides an excellent, clear and informative description of the purpose of attachment systems and of the variations that can be noted in the attachment patterns of infants:

Explaining Disorganized Attachment:  Clues from Research on Mild-to-Moderately Undernourished Children in Chile

By Everett Waters and Marta Valenzuela — in J. Solomon & C. George (Eds). Attachment Disorganization. (1999) New York: Guilford Press  [See Table of Contents for this book]

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And – and interesting study on the early research toward the ‘disorganized/disoriented’ insecure attachment category:

This study reanalyzed the attachment relationships of a sample of 12-month-old maltreated and nonmaltreated infants using the Main and Solomon (in press) classification system for disorganized/disoriented (Type D) attachments. As predicted, we found a preponderance of disorganized/disoriented attachments in the maltreatment group (82%). In contrast, only 19% of the demographically matched Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) comparison group exhibited such Type D relationships.”

Disorganized/disoriented attachment relationships in maltreated infants.

Carlson, Vicki; Cicchetti, Dante; Barnett, Douglas; Braunwald, Karen

Developmental Psychology, Vol 25(4), Jul 1989, 525-531.

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+24 HOURS LATER – MORE BAD NEWS FOR VULNERABLE CHILDREN

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I just wrote a post on about the wonderful results the Healthy Families project has been generating for at risk children in New York: +NEW YORK’S ‘HEALTHY FAMILIES’ PROGRAM — GREAT FINDINGS! However a day later this distressing news comes through from the Prevent Child Abuse New York blog:

Governor Cuomo’s Budget Proposal Eliminates Funding for Healthy Families New York

Governor Andrew Cuomo’s proposed state budget eliminates funding for one of New York’s most cost-effective and cost-savings programs, Healthy Families New York home visiting. This proposal would dismantle a program that has a proven record of preventing child abuse and also would make New York ineligible for federal grants that would improve the lives of more of our states’ most vulnerable children and families.

Healthy Families New York (HFNY) serves at-risk pregnant and new mothers in 38 of the state’s highest need communities. Cost savings begin immediately with healthier babies delivered, and continue for years with fewer incidents of child abuse, lower child welfare costs, and greater success in school leading to less need for special education services.

“We are dismayed that the Governor proposes ending the Healthy Families New York program, given the proven outcomes for children and the potential for significant additional federal funding for the state,” said Christine Deyss, Executive Director of Prevent Child Abuse New York. “This action would undo 16 years of work to develop one of the best state systems for early childhood home visiting in the country.”

A seven-year randomized trial evaluation of HFNY demonstrates:

  • Low birth weight deliveries are reduced.
  • Children’s preventive health care is improved.
  • Physical abuse is reduced and parents’ use of non-violent discipline increased.
  • Parents at the highest risk have fewer founded cases of abuse and neglect.
  • Fewer children need special education or repeat a grade.
  • More children do well on standardized test and are in gifted programs.

The average annual cost to provide HFNY services to a family is about $4,600. For low birth weight babies, additional medical costs in the first year of life range from $25,000 to $90,000, primarily paid by Medicaid and state sponsored insurance plans. The average annual cost to the state for foster care for a child who has been abused is more than $24,000; total federal, state and local expenditures on child welfare services in our state are approximately $2.7 billion. Special education services more than double the cost of a child’s education.

For families who had prior histories of child abuse or neglect, the program generated a return of more than $3 for every dollar spent in seven years, due to reduced involvement with the child welfare system and other government programs.

Prevent Child Abuse New York brought Healthy Families New York to the state, and we’ll continue to fight to keep the program going. We need all the help we can get! Please join our movement to reinstate funding for HFNY. You can start by signing up for our e-newsletters and action alerts so you can stay up-to-date on the latest developments in what will surely be a long and difficult struggle on behalf of New York’s most vulnerable children.

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This is exactly what I have been posting about!  As if we should EVER have to beg for help for our nation’s children by assigning a dollar value to their lives — as if they are objects with price tags attached!!

See series:

WE the U.S. and the WORLD

AND – OH OUR POOR BABIES!!!

Veteran Suicides Outnumber US Military Deaths in Iraq and Afghanistan

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+ADOBE MOMMA NEWS – SLOWER WORK

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Thought I’d take a few pictures of recent work in the backyard – new bare-root roses in and new walkways being built…..

Along west side of house looking north
I think the Harvester Ants ran away with the seeds I had in along the soaker, so just added some winter plants - cold but not dead
On west side, out back door, newest 10' tall 40' long metal fence - I put in an extra support post for its north end on Sat. just in time for more WIND
Newest adobe planter going in on top of adobe block I put over the quince tree I want DEAD
New compost by fence
Newest roses planted and Goldilocks
Newest sunken pathways going in at back

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+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART TWO): FIRST, SELF-RECOGNITION

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My good guess is that we must have a SELF to be able to THINK. What are some of the identifiable developmental processes involved that allow the thinking self to appear?  We know that degrees of secure versus insecure attachment can be clearly measured by the time an infant is one year old.  The next stage of infant development that can be identified when it ‘comes online’ is what is called ‘self-recognition’ – which happens for our close primate relatives just as it does for human infants.

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SELF RECOGNITION IN APES (video) [Especially note the point where the ‘little guy’ returns to his mother for the safe-secure attachment HUG!  At about at the 2:50 mark]

“Scientists believe self-recognition is essential for our survival.  We can live in large groups because we recognize similar features of our own in others.  We can tell friend from foe.  But is self-recognition uniquely human?  Show a monkey a mirror and it thinks its another monkey.  It attacks.  But how will our closer relatives, the great apes, react when faced with their own image?

“This three-year-old Chimpanzee has never seen a mirror before.  He’s not sure what to make of it.  Erect fur is usually a sign of fear or anger.  But his fear is soon replaced by curiosity.

“When chimps see themselves in mirrors the first time they naturally assume it’s another chimp the way a human being who has never seen their self before does, and begin to play with mirror image.”

“Soon this chimp will know it’s looking at it’s self, just like these older chimps.  They know exactly what mirrors do.

“This chimp appears to know that’s her tongue and those are her teeth.

“Chimpanzees seem to have a concept of a bodily self that allows them to look into a mirror and say, “THAT image is equivalent to THIS body.

“But how can we prove that humans and chimpanzees really identify the figure in the mirror as themselves?  Psychologists set a Wellman Test for this.  It’s called the Mark Test.  A researcher marks a child’s cheek.  The child then looks in a mirror.  He moves his hand up to the mark.  He recognizes himself.  By age two, half of all children can recognize their self.  Soon, they all do.

“So, can our ape cousins pass this test?  A keeper places a mark on a female orangutan.  Next, they put her in front of a mirror.  She has seen her reflection before, but this time she recognizes that something has changed.  Her hand goes to the mark.  All the great apes, gorillas, orangutans, chimps and bonobos, pass the mark test by a certain age.”

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Sense of self and the “mark test” – infant and chimpanzee results (video)

SELF RECOGNITION DEVELOPMENT (video)

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Here are some reading links to very early research that sought to clarify any link between infant maltreatment as it impacts the security or insecurity of infant attachment and an infant’s ability to first self-recognize.   After scanning through this information and other related research I quickly came to understand that researchers didn’t find that the quality of secure versus insecure attachment determines the developmental-maturational timeline along which any infant comes to self-recognize itself in the various mirror image ‘Mark Tests’, but it does effect the quality and nature of this first visual self-recognition by an infant.

Importantly, researchers did discover that the quality of attachment and degrees of maltreatment an infant has received DOES affect the emotional reaction an infant experiences and displays in response to its recognition of its own self in a mirror.

My next post will also present research that shows two other factors that ALSO appear to affect an infant’s emotional reaction to its first self-recognition that happens for all but a very few infants between the age 15 months and 2 years.  I believe both of these factors can be directly influenced by an infant’s experience of maltreatment that happen in CONJUNCTION with unsafe and insecure early infant-caregiver interactions.

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…[This empirical study]  considered the interaction between affect and cognition, focusing on both security of attachment and the emergence of visual self-recognition (Schneider-Rosen and Cicchetti, 1984).  The sample consisted of 37 infants, all from families of low SES [socioeconomic status].  Of the infants, 18 had been maltreated while living in their natural homes, while 19 infants comprised the comparison group.  The infants ranged in age from 18 months to 20 months.  The mother-infant dyads were observed in the Strange Situation procedure, and infants were administered the standard mirror-and-rouge paradigm (Lewis and Brooks-Gunn, 1979) to assess visual self-recognition.

“It was found that 12 (67%) of the maltreated infants were classified as insecure…whereas 6 (33%) were classified as secure.  In contrast, 5 (26%) of the 19 matched comparison infants were classified as insecure…whereas 14 (74%) were classified as secure….

An interesting pattern of findings emerged with regard to the interaction between maltreatment, quality of attachment, and visual self-recognition.  There were no differences in the number of maltreated and comparison infants who were able to recognize themselves.  For the group as a whole, infants who manifested visual self-recognition were significantly more likely to be securely attached to their caregivers.  A different pattern of results was revealed, however, when the maltreated and comparison infant groups wee analyzed separately.  Of the comparison infants who recognized themselves, 90% were classified as secure…  In contrast, there was no significant relationship between visual self-recognition and security of attachment for the maltreated infants.  Of those maltreated infants who recognized themselves (N=5), three were insecurely attached and two were securely attached to their caregivers.  These findings suggest that the effects of maltreatment may be sufficiently potent to disrupt the expected relationship between quality of attachment and visual self-recognition. The process by which maltreatment might have such an effect, however, has yet to be determined.”

Child Abuse and Neglect: Biosocial Dimensions (Foundations of Human Behavior) by Richard J. Gelles and Jane Lancaster (Dec 31, 1987) — (above is from pages 288-289)

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Examined the association among child maltreatment, socioeconomic status (SES), visual self-recognition, and emotional responses to mirror images. Children were assessed cross-sectionally at 18, 24, and 30 mo. The nonmaltreated children spanned 2 SES groups (lower and middle), and the maltreated children came from the lower SES. Maltreated children did not differ from the lower- or middle-SES comparison children in the development of visual self-recognition. Differences between the samples were observed in the quality of affective reactions to mirror self-images. Hierarchical loglinear modeling was used to test for associations among the variables of self-recognition, age, SES, maltreatment, and affective reactions to mirror images (positive, negative, and neutral, as well as coy affective responses). Results are discussed in terms of the complex interactions among these variables, indicating that the ontogenesis of self-knowledge is determined by multiple interrelated influences.”  (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  [bold type and underline added]

Early self-knowledge and emotional development: Visual self-recognition and affective reactions to mirror self-images in maltreated and non-maltreated toddlers.

Schneider-Rosen, Karen; Cicchetti, Dante

Developmental Psychology, Vol 27(3), May 1991, 471-478.

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+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART ONE): WHOSE PROBLEM IS IT?

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+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART ONE): WHOSE PROBLEM IS IT?

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I readily admit this:  My thinking today is happening in wide circles and loops, not unlike the course a high-flying kite might take as it sours, dips and changes directions erratically as it’s caught in strong and unstable wind currents.  This matters especially today because the trail I am trying to follow is exactly about HOW I THINK!

While at this moment I WANT to think about what I WANTED to think about, at the same time I am distracted by the fact that even though I live down south here in the U.S. on the Mexican border line, I also live at nearly a 5000 foot elevation.  This simply means that when the temperature drastically drops here at night – because I and many others in this region have NO insulation in our houses – our water pipes are at great risk of freezing.

Mine are frozen!

As I think about thinking about thinking I understand that I am the only one to blame for my frozen pipes.  I am the only person who lives in this house.  I looked online yesterday and saw our forecast for night temps down to 11°.  But I ‘forgot’ to pay attention to what I needed to do last night:  Leave my faucets open to allow water to move through my pipes all night.  I doubt they would be frozen now if I had NOT neglected to take that precaution.

Will my pipes burst?  A fear.  I don’t know.  Where are they blocked by ice?  I don’t know.  It’s hard not to fear the worst!

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My thinking is following an overall direction of trying to ‘get a handle’ on the fact that so many of our nation’s little ones and their families are increasingly suffering from deprivations and traumas while it appears that so few are noticing – let alone taking action to help them.

Did we as a nation – DO WE as a nation – notice this problem?  Do we anticipate what the far-reaching harmful consequences will be if the suffering of our offspring is not alleviated?  Do we know (as I did with my pipes!) what a solution would be?  How is it that so many in our nation seem perfectly capable of denying and/or ignoring the growing problems not only within our own nation, but across the globe?

When I ask myself how it was that I completely ‘forgot’ what I knew I had to do to protect my house’s water pipes, I can’t really find an answer!  I just plain ‘let it go’ and here I am with trouble!  How BIG a trouble I don’t know yet.

So, I am hanging in the balance between fear of the worst consequences and hope for the best.  My hope is that even though our day temperature today isn’t supposed to be very high, that at least the stream of sunshine will somehow (magically?) unthaw those pipes without any damage occurring.

I am at the “wait and see” point.

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But, WAIT!  I just discovered that in my bathroom on the east side of my house where the sun has been shining for hours already my pipes in THERE are flowing.  WHEW!  What a grateful sigh of relief!

Now, what about the pipes on the west kitchen side of the house?  Back to the waiting…..

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Which makes me think that given the economic troubles that are so contributing especially to the problems of increasing numbers of our nation’s little ones, and given the troubles that so many millions of other people around our globe have been and are facing, how long will our species have to wait before we see the full-blown potential of GREAT HARM to show that lets us all know we denied and ignored all the warning signs while there was still time for us to avert what might amount to global disaster?

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Given that I live in  the richest country on earth – and given that I have never traveled to see the suffering that billions of other people in other places on this globe endure – I ask myself, “What part do I play in contributing to problems in our nation and around our globe and what part might I be able to play in solving these problems?”

Because this is a two-part question, I am finding I have to look at the first part before I can move forward to consider the second part.  This seems to be an important process I feel I need to undertake because I don’t believe much in DUMB LUCK!  It’s only dumb luck that my house’s east pipes seem to be OK.  I would feel much better about myself if I had done my own responsible part in preventing my pipe problems in the first place!

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In response to the work I have been doing these past days with my posts (HERE) I am coming to understand that at this point that our national and global troubles are not without solution.  Yet what appears to be needed for us all to get busy on the plus-side of solving our problems might on the one hand be the SIMPLEST thing we can do AT THE SAME TIME it might be the HARDEST!

I say this because from my own ‘point of view’, from my own ‘worldview’, what all of us need to do – is, well – DO-ABLE!  What I am learning is that we, especially in America and in the richest global nations in Europe, evidently follow a societal-cultural WESTERN worldview pattern of thought (and corresponding pattern of actions) that we CAN examine, understand, evaluate – and CHANGE!

The other part of this picture is that we certainly aren’t going to do this if we see absolutely no reason to do so!

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Thinking about the frozen water pipes I imagine that it wasn’t ‘my job’ to go door-to-door last evening and warn my neighbors about the impending problems – or to tell them about the preventative solution.

My job was within my own boundaries.

Why would I CARE if my neighbors’ pipes froze?

What if I imagine that every individual dwelling near me was actually a nation?  If I take care of my nation and let others take care of theirs – where’s the problem?

What if taking care of my own pipes somehow meant that I had to harm my neighbors’?

Without repeating any of the information presented in my recent posts, I will just say that in fact what the rich nations of this globe are doing IS harming on BIG LEVELS!

Perhaps it will only be when the harm we are doing ‘to our neighbors’ pipes’ as we ‘take care of our own’ comes around in a boomerang-effect to spill the troubles, problems and damage right back inside our own nation’s boundaries that we give a real HOOT – enough to examine our own contribution to the whole mess worldwide and to help find a solution.

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I believe this is exactly what is beginning to happen.  Ask those on the poor end of our nation’s wealth-poverty dichotomy and they will say they’ve known all along.  Ask those on the richest end, and they are most likely to deny any responsibility for anything that troubles anyone else – anywhere.

For my part, I THINK I need to understand how I THINK about all of this.  Because I am bound up in a society that so profoundly influences my THINKING, I have to THINK about those influences, too.

But for the moment I will think about changing my mind.  Maybe there is such a thing as Dumb Luck!  All my pipes are thawed out now, and I didn’t say any flood of water spewing out from under my house, so I think I escaped the consequences of my lack of taking appropriate preventive action last night that tonight I vow I will.

Next post:

+THINKING ABOUT THINKING (PART TWO): FIRST, SELF-RECOGNITION

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